In 1917, the political lexicon became an integral part of social conflict. It turned out that different groups interpreted the same terms differently: "democracy," "people," "bourgeoisie." How the language of the revolutionary era gradually turned into the alphabet of hatred for the impending civil war is discussed in the article by historian Konstantin Tarasov.

The Weimar Republic was a federal state, consisting by the end of its existence of 17 "Free States" with their own autonomous governments and regional parliaments called Landtags. The largest parties had a nationwide character. In some Free States, there were local parties, but they did not have a significant influence on imperial politics.

The ideas of the Enlightenment always sparked heated debates, and many, while accepting certain elements of the era's worldview, decisively rejected others. Where is your limit of Enlightenment? Take the test and find out who you resemble more: the reactionary de Maistre, the conservative Burke, the religious philosopher Hamann, or the romantic nationalist Herder.

Since the 1960s, a confrontation has been unfolding within the Catholic Church between modernists, who support the updated Mass, and traditionalists, who adhere to the old Tridentine Mass. With the ascension of the new pontiff Leo XIV to the papal throne, these disputes have only intensified.

In 1917, the Russian army found itself in a deep crisis. In the context of the ongoing war, unconventional methods were needed to revive the military spirit. Thus, the concept of a volunteer revolutionary army emerged, which was intended to inspire the mobilized soldiers and eventually replace them with volunteers. To find out how this experiment ended, read the article by historian Konstantin Tarasov.

"In St. Petersburg, two types of architecture prevail: Greek and Roman," — this is how the capital of the Russian state was described by the prominent historian and local historian Ivan Ilyich Pushkaryov. The founder of the city, Emperor Peter, in an attempt to distance himself from the Moscow he disliked, which called itself the Third Rome, laid the foundation for a new ancient city on the northern shores of the Neva. Absorbing the entire "spirit" and longing for antiquity, St. Petersburg recreated it in the strict plans of its architectural ensembles, classical colonnades, and triumphal arches.

The specialist in Roman history of Antiquity, Nikita Tsybikov, suggests tracing the political history of Rome from the first symptoms of the crisis of the republican model in the second half of the 2nd century BC to the decline of the rule of the first dynasty of emperors from the Julio-Claudian family in the second half of the 1st century AD.

In his article, historian Said Zalyaev traces the emergence and subsequent transformations of the meaning of the term "civil war" from Antiquity to the 21st century. At the same time, using examples from England, France, the USA, and Russia, he examines how "civil war" relates to "revolution."

In his article, historian Said Zalyaev examines how during the Modern Era in Western Europe, the meaning of the concept of "state" transformed from a statement of a ruler's effectiveness to the definition of an abstract political entity with territory and population. Additionally, the author traces the history of the Russian-language concept of "gosudarstvo" and compares it with Western European counterparts.

In the popular consciousness, the central conflict of the Russian Civil War is the confrontation between the "Reds" and the "Whites." However, in the summer of 1918, at the forefront of anti-Bolshevik resistance in eastern Russia were the Socialists—the SRs, who formed the Komuch. Read about its history in the article by historian Said Zalyaev.

In 1917, the Russian army found itself in a deep crisis. In the context of the ongoing war, unconventional methods were needed to revive the military spirit. Thus, the concept of a volunteer revolutionary army emerged, which was intended to inspire the mobilized soldiers and eventually replace them with volunteers. To find out how this experiment ended, read the article by historian Konstantin Tarasov.

The Weimar Republic was a federal state, consisting by the end of its existence of 17 "Free States" with their own autonomous governments and regional parliaments called Landtags. The largest parties had a nationwide character. In some Free States, there were local parties, but they did not have a significant influence on imperial politics.

The Weimar Republic was a federal state, consisting by the end of its existence of 17 "Free States" with their own autonomous governments and regional parliaments called Landtags. The largest parties had a nationwide character. In some Free States, there were local parties, but they did not have a significant influence on imperial politics.

The specialist in Roman history of Antiquity, Nikita Tsybikov, suggests tracing the political history of Rome from the first symptoms of the crisis of the republican model in the second half of the 2nd century BC to the decline of the rule of the first dynasty of emperors from the Julio-Claudian family in the second half of the 1st century AD.